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The Mehdi Hashemi Affair. Evan Siegel. The Eternal Martyr His story begins in the seventies, when the clergy was faced with the challenge of a growing fascination with Marxism and Third World revolution on the part of a dynamic student movement. The Vietnamese and Chinese revolutionaries and guerilla fighters like Che Guevera had fired the imagination of Iranian students, just as it had students around the world.

Young Muslims were stretching their faith beyond the bounds of clerical Islam, increasingly adopting Marxizing jargon and ideas; prominent among them were the founders of the Organization of People's Mojahedin formed in the mid-sixties and Dr. Under the pressure of these new ideas, even children of clerical families re-examined some fundamental ideas of their faith. Resalat August 31, wrote a book, Shahid-e Javid [The Eternal Martyr], which both addressed these religious problems and underlined the relevance of Hosein's revolt for his younger compatriots.

As one admirer said of it, "it is a delight for those dissatisfied with worthless mourning rituals, an instrument for those for whom Islam is hidden For his part, when it was politically opportune, Imam Hosein rebelled. For Salehi, Imam Hosein's death was a defeat. He simply went down fighting like a good revolutionary. He didn't he go into battle knowing he would die, to revive Islam with his blood. Moreover, the Khomeinist clergy, though politicizing the mourning ceremonies for the Karbala martyrs, don't explicitly deny the benefits of weeping for them, as Salehi's followers did.

The book was shot through with scarcely concealed attacks on the monarchy and carried on a polemic about Islam's championing of the civil liberties and social justice the Iranian people craved.

In fact, it was Ayatollah Montazeri who lauded the book in an introduction written after it was published. Thanks to Prof. Ervand Abrahamian for bringing this to our attention. According to the biography of him presented in his indictment, 21 he began his studies in Qom in , and entered political life around , 22 in the years just after Khomeini's uprising against the Shah's White Revolution.

He set up a "strike group" which, "in the name of defense of the struggle, beat and abused clerics",23 but was arrested in "for reproducing and distributing statements", to be released "after making an agreement" and was rearrested early the next year and was drafted into the army in early This draft imposed on unruly seminarians after the revolt led by Khomeini against the Shah's White Revolution.

After his release from the army in , "I came under the influence of models like that of the Egyptian or Chinese or Vietnamese revolutions Theologically, he blames one Aqa Gharavi of Esfahan, whom he characterized as "sectarian" [shazi], 27 a possible reference to Ayatollah Musavi Mohammad Javad Gharavi, a loyal friend of Bani-Sadr's to the end and at daggers drawn with Hashemi on almost every possible issue but, in any case, the only prominent cleric named Gharavi in Esfahan at the time.

Hashemi recalls that after having tangled with the clerical establishment over the Shahid-e Javid, he became obsessed with battling the clergy to the extent of turning away from battling the regime. Khomeini's son, Ahmad, remembered Mohammad Montazeri as his contact with Hashemi, and when Hashemi was arrested, he kept in touch with one of Hashemi's clerical comrades.

This was said to have greatly excited the mourners and won him a truly massive following in his borough of Esfahan. These new recruits dwindled from "over " to "about 20" as they had a chance to find out what was going on, the orthodox clergy's resistance to their heresy speeding the process. A Hadafi who confessed said the victim had behaved immorally with two boys and a woman; the victim's wife vigorously denied this. They were killed, Hashemi says, after they themselves discussed the matter, asked Hashemi about it, and received his blessings.

He was killed in December and his body was found stuffed into a fertilizer bag crammed into an abandoned well. The day after returning from pilgrimage, this well-known cleric was set upon by masked assailants armed with knives and cudgels, inflicting wounds from which he died a few days later.

Dying, he said he was attacked for opposing the teachings of Shahid-e Javid. Hosein Moradi, a Hadafi, confessed to his murder and two others. Another assailant was recognized as one Mehdi Ramazani when his mask slid off. The provincial and federal governments launched a major investigation and soon a number of Hashemi's men were arrested, leading to the other murders being solved. It was reported under banner headlines for weeks. Hundreds of thousands of Esfahanis mourned his death in a procession that stretched for miles.

The president of the borough where Hashemi's men lived promised to change the borough's name out of shame over these deeds. Ayatollah Hajj Sayyed Hosein Khademi, the city's leading cleric, promised "eternal relentless hellfire" for the murderers and added that the murder "has wounded the hearts of hundreds of thousands of Esfahanis. Their raging hearts will not be stilled until the perpetrators of this deed are punished before the people.

The martyred Ayatollah was described as "both respected by all the people of Esfahan and ever the target of severe attacks by Khomeini's agents", both of which were likely true. This might have been because the Shah was coming under pressure from the Carter administration and his own subjects. This version is confirmed by the fact that none of those convicted for this shocking crime were executed.

According to one, he was collaborating after his release from prison and before his military discharge: "SAVAK In his televized confession, Hashemi says that "out of inexperience, being overwhelmed by my senses and an immature understanding of Islam", he decided that it was "permissable and excusable" to establish contacts with SAVAK for the sake of "softening SAVAK's" attituted towards him, "a minor slip which gradually resulted in contacts with a local SAVAK officer" and discussing matters with SAVAK.

This included requests for information on Ayatollah Montazeri and his son, Mohammad, the latter of which he gave some information about. In fact, the only specific reference to such "information" and "arrests" is in connection with his own arrest for the murder of Ayatollah Shamsabadi. A perhaps more truthful version is given a year earlier in his televized confession84 when he simply states that it was only when he personally called in his contacts with SAVAK to save himself in the Ayatollah Shamsabadi murder case that SAVAK entered the picture.

A different version is given by the Islamic Republican Minister of Intelligence who investigated Hashemi. So I am putting what I know at the disposal of the Esfahan Security Organization security officials and I request in return, in accordance with the legal clause which clearly states that people who cooperate with security officials or police officers in revealing information will be forgiven for their crimes, that I be protected under this clause.

It is not impossible, given the appearance of permanence which the regime then had, for an aspiring religious Guide, consumed by sectarian jealousies against the orthodox, to seek to have his own relations with the local power-structure. And it certainly raises questions about relations other Islamic revolutionaries had with the Shah's government. When Mehdi Hashemi returned to his native borough of Qahdarijan in Esfahan, he found a city torn by factional turmoil.

On the one hand, Ayatollah Hosein Khademi, whose granting ten day's refuge to anti-monarchist protesters in the Ramazan of and their being attacked on the fifth of that month August 10 87 marked the deepening of the revolution there, and the Esfahan seminary establishment led the old-line clergy.

On the other hand, Ayatollah Sayyed Jalal od-Din Taheri, a relatively young congregational prayer leader and Khomeini's representative in Esfahan, led the firebrands88 and, as was pointed out as early as Hashemi's arrest under the Shah, in a family related to Hashemi's Despite denying what was known to all, they were united only in their alliance with Khomeini.

Hashemi was said to have used it to "organize troublesome people expelled from various organs" to "crush his opponents. Hashemi's men disgraced them by mobilizing "the families of martyrs"99 and, in general, made his Guards a vehicle for locally existing discontent and differences.

Being boycotted by the municipal Guards, it raised money locally, "acting like an autonomous government. Having the Guards on this ideological track lent the issue of Majlis elections powerful support every time. The selection of government officials was usually done with Guard advice. How often even in agricultural and economic issues was the Guard's influence and power decisive!

In November, the gendarmerie attacked land distribution in Falavarjan, sparking student protests in Qahdarijan. He will return to Esfahan as a guest. They produced documents showing that Khademi had connived at having Jamshid Iranpur, a CIA contact who had made his fortune in imports and exports and had been run out of the country after the revolution, brought back to Iran and given a place of influence in Khademi's komiteh.

After contacting several people, But before we reached the komiteh, they fired at us. He agreed with this and [so] I told him, Go to Esfahan This murder led to renewed resistance by Khademi's forces to "the irresponsibility of the heads of the organs across the country," referring to the revolutionary para-state institutions, and a rear-guard battle against the dissolution of their komiteh into the Guards. Bahreinian's relatives sat in at Ayatollah Khademi's house, demanding a purge of the Guards and that all those accused of killing Bahreinian be sent to Tehran for trial as Khomeini himself had demanded.

The killers were acting in cahoots with the local Islamic court, which "threatened" a government investigator sent to Esfahan to investigate why one of the accused had not been sent to Tehran for trial, but instead took the plane sent to transport him to Bushahr instead, a fugitive from the frigid Tehran winter rather than the law The election of two outspoken liberals to represent Hashemi's home base indicates that Hashemi was not universally popular, certainly with the local establishment.

Another indication of this is that "When I would come to the area from time to time, I would go to a meeting which had been organized for the occasion composed of local clerics and reputable figures The general policy dominating these meetings was one of finding a legal resolution to the problem" of differences between the local komiteh and the local Guards.

Hatemzadeh, which case is being diligently investigated. Hashemi said that the Guards, upon his insistence, threw some of them in jail, where they tortured them in accordance, according to Hashemi, with Islamic law. They were freed "after a while", having been shaken down for money for account , and rearrested "a short time later". The Heshmatis apparently decided to assassinate Hashemi and had been seen by the Guards reconnoitering his house.

Although we have seen that the connection between the murders he was involved in after the revolution and before were whispered about and found their way into the press on occasion, it was only in an indirect way and certainly not mentioning Hashemi by name.

This was low on the list of the Islamic prosecutor's concern, but it must have been a fearsome presence in Qahdarijan. Hashemi himself describes this group as, "A strike force of hotheaded boys to beat and seize corrupt people. He quotes an interview with Omid in Jomhuriye Eslami: "In Islam, in my opinion, basically anyone should own only as much land as he can work. In one village, of families, 10 km. The man in charge of carrying out the reform was himself a landlord of Qahdarijan, and was imprisoned several months after the revolution.

The reporter then gives a peasant's annecdote about current conditions: "Once, we saw the streams were silted up and the crops and orchards were shriveling away.

We went to the court. The court summoned the landlord, who didn't turn up. Finally, it ordered that we sell a portion of the orchard for 50, tumans. The Jihad added in 10, tumans. We saw it was harvest time. We went and got the court's permission to harvest. But the fields had become all overgrown with weeds and brambles.

When we finished harvesting, we didn't even recover our expenses. The villagers now want to keep the land they've been allowed to till. Another village, of families,10 km.

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