By November, one month after publication, the book was on all the best-selling lists, with 40, copies printed. The whole affair has revealed the disquiet and ambiguities that surround intellectual life in France. No-one denied the quality of the work. Nor was it a question of financial considerations. French-speaking readers have applauded this stand. And Le Monde diplomatique has contributed to a rich debate on the history of the century that is now drawing to a close.
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Eric J. It believed very largely in the mass labour movement as the carrier of the future. Eric Hobsbawm. La actual puede ser una de ellas. Isso significa que tanto os Estados como os insurgentes sentem ter uma justificativa moral para o barbarismo. Para mim, tudo. Uma tal de Era dos Extremos fez parte da minha leitura e trouxe:.
Em julho, terminei de ler Fortaleza Digital, de Dan Brawn. Las respuestas fueron las siguientes:. Segundo ele p. There is no truth in the familiar but mistaken French phrase tout comprendre c'est tout pardonner. To understand the Nazi era in German history and to fit it into its historical context is not to forgive the genocide. In any case, no one who has lived through this extraordinary century is likely to abstain from judgement.
Is is understanding that comes hard. Those of us who have come so very late to the party, so to speak, inevitably have a different perspective. And yet, we still found something of value. Many, probably most, of us learned much of our Marx at university, deeply impressed by that intellectual flowering of the s which Hobsbawm sees as the high-water mark. The course of his life has followed an epic rise and fall which naturally shapes his conclusions.
For us, there is a lot more future to come. Hobsbawm is right that Marxism is academic without a labor movement whose margins can be haunted. But it is hard to believe that the labour movement is dead, even in the rich countries of the West.
They are still around, and more than a few of them even go to university. Reform will need to revive before there are many people to talk to about revolution. But the point that Hobsbawm sees as the core of a Marxian approach to politics will be as relevant as ever: that political strategy takes place within a framework of social forces that voluntaristic moral force cannot overcome.
This is a point that can be read in different ways, and in the past Hobsbawm has read it the wrong way, as one of the right-wing communists of the s who tried to save U.
Labour from the unelectable Tony Benn — as if Labour needed Marxists to look after its electoral interests. But it can also be read the right way. The unrealistic utopians of our day are busy developing non-partisan position papers proposing rational reforms of financial regulation and making reasonable cases for a reduction in inequality, because it is harmful to the social fabric and to health and safety.
But there is no genuine way forward that does not polarize class interests and galvanize a movement, and if there is a lesson to be taken from the politics of the last few decades it is that there will be no sustainable gains that do not fundamentally undermine wealth and its power.
External image. It needs a return to the conviction that economic growth and the affluence it brings is a means and not an end.
The end is what it does to the lives, life-chances and hopes of people. Why you write things I find hard to read Eric Hobsbawm? View On WordPress. Log in Sign up.
One of the worst things about the politics of the past 30 years is that the rich have forgotten to be afraid of the poor.
The greatest cruelties of our century have been the impersonal cruelties of remote decision, of system and routine, especially when they could be justified as regrettable operational necessity. La maggior parte degli esseri umani si comporta come lo storico: riconosce la natura della propria esperienza solo alla fine, retrospettivamente. The end of the official Marxism of the USSR liberated Marx from public identification with Leninism in theory and with the Leninist regimes in practice.
It became quite clear that there were still plenty of good reasons to take account of what Marx had to say about the world. And notably…because the globalised capitalist world that emerged in the s was in crucial ways uncannily like the world anticipated by Marx in the Communist Manifesto…[Marx] has much left to say to those who want the world to be a different and better society from the one we have today.
L'idea che uno stato socialista dovesse costringere ogni cittadino a pensare nello stesso modo non sarebbe venuta in mente ad alcun leader socialista prima del La costruzione del mausoleo di Lenin nella Piazza Rossa, dove il corpo imbalsamato del grande capo sarebbe rimasto per sempre visibile ai fedeli, non aveva alcun precedente neppure nella tradizione rivoluzionaria russa, ma era un chiaro tentativo di mobilitare a favore del regime sovietico l'attrazione che esercitava sulle plebi contadine e retrograde il culto cristiano dei santi e delle reliquie.
Eric Hobsbawm, on how he wanted to be remembered. The first political conversation I ever recall took place when I was six in an Alpine sanatorium, between two Jewish mother-type ladies. It dealt with Trotsky. The first political event which made an impact on me as such, at the age of ten, was the great riot of , when the Viennese workers burned down the Palace of Justice.
The second political event I recall as such, at the age of thirteen, was the German general election of , when the Nazis won seats. We knew what that meant. Shortly after that we moved to Berlin, where I stayed until Those were the years of the depression. Marx somewhere says that history repeats itself, occurring first as tragedy, then as farce, but there is a more sinister pattern of repetition: first tragedy, then despair.
In the bottom had fallen out of the world of central Europe. For a brief period in the middle s it looked as though some sort of tentative hope was possible, then it fell out again. To say that those who had nothing to lose, the unemployed, the disoriented and demoralized middle classes, were desperate, is insufficient.
They were ready for anything. Such were the times in which I became political. What could young Jewish intellectuals have become under such circumstances? Not liberals of any kind, since the world of liberalism which included social democracy was precisely what had collapsed. As Jews we were precluded by definition from supporting parties based on confessional allegiance, or on a nationalism which excluded Jews, and in both cases on antisemitism.
We became either communists or some equivalent form of revolutionary marxists, or if we chose our own version of blood-and-soil nationalism, Zionists. But even the great bulk of young intellectual Zionists saw themselves as some sort of revolutionary marxist nationalists.
There was virtually no other choice. We did not make a commitment against bourgeois society and capitalism, since it patently seemed to be on its last legs.
We simply chose a future rather than no future, which meant revolution. The only certain thing about the future is that it will surprise even those who have seen furthest into it. Hobsbawm Marxism History. Hobsbawm, Cambiar el mundo.
Social injustice still needs to be denounced and fought. The world will not get better on its own. Hobsbawm dibujo lineart retrato. This attempt to hand over human society to the allegedly self-controlling and wealth- or even welfare-maximising market, populated allegedly by actors in rational pursuit of their interests, had no precedent in any earlier phase of capitalist development in any developed economy, not even the USA.
In , a good many people in the West thought that Marxism had a reasonable case to argue. By , most of them no longer felt that way. What had happened in the meanwhile? Were these people now buried under a pile of toddlers? Had Marxism been unmasked as bogus by some world-shaking new research? Had someone stumbled on a lost manuscript by Marx confessing that it was all a joke. Ok, mi sto abbandonando al flusso della mia coscienza, meglio che chiudo. Hobsbawm Weber. A world in which all were happy, and every individual fully and freely realized his or her potentialities, in which freedom reigned and government that was coercion had disappeared, was the ultimate aim of both liberals and socialists.
What distinguishes the various members of the ideological family descended from humanism and the Enlightenment, liberal, socialist, communist or anarchist, is not the gentle anarchy which is the utopia of all of them, but the methods of achieving it. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: — Hobsbawm , Il Secolo breve , B.
Brigate Rosse anni ' The myth of the cowboy guardian. Do que eu estava falando mesmo? Bom dia!. Eric Hobsbawm eldiario. Hobsbawm marxismo historia. Who has raised all the food? The half-fed and impoverished labourer. Who built all the houses and warehouses, and palaces, which are possessed by the rich, who never labour or produce anything?
The workman. Who spins all the yarn and makes all the cloth? The spinner and weaver. If physical mobility is an essential condition of freedom, the bicycle has probably been the greatest single device for achieving what Marx called the full realization of the possibilities of being human invented since Gutenberg, and the only one without obvious drawbacks.
Hobsbawm citas. Leyendo al gran Hobsbawm.
ISBN 13: 9788817079594
Hobsbawm, E. J. (Eric J) (1917-)
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Help Edit search New search Author finder. This is page 1 - Next page. London, The Haywood Gallery. ISBN: Soft Cover. Large heavy paperback and we will request extra shipping. Illustrated throughout in black and white and colour.
Age Of Extremes defies French censors
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